CLIMATE OF FEAR
The young climate activists navigating repressive states in their fight against climate change
In 2020, 227 climate activists were killed across the world for their campaigning, the highest number on record according to climate charity Global Witness.
On average, four activists have been killed every week since the signing of the landmark UN-led Paris Agreement in 2015.
Even as countries realise the urgency of the planetary crisis, campaigners across the world face increasing danger as they seek to get their message across.
2020 was not a good year for democracy. Freedom House, which tracks progress on access to political rights and civil liberties globally, judged that countries experiencing democratic deterioration outnumbered those with improvements by the largest margin in 14 years.
But this has not deterred young climate activists.
Many belong to Fridays for Future (FFF), the largest global climate youth movement, which rose to prominence after Swedish teenager Greta Thunberg skipped school to protest in front of the Swedish parliament in August 2018.
Every Friday since, young campaigners have poured onto the streets around the world and led ‘climate strikes’ to pressure political leaders to take action on climate change.
These are the stories of young activists from four repressive states – the Philippines, Russia, Uganda and China – caught between climate anxiety on the one hand and the iron fist of coercive regimes on the other.
They reveal the realities of campaigning both in repressive countries which are among the highest emitters in the world, and in those on the frontline to climate change.
The Philippines was among the top four countries most affected by climate change from 1999 to 2018, according to the Climate Risk Index, a think-tank which assesses factors including deaths and economic damage caused by extreme weather events.
It is also the fourth most dangerous country in the world for climate campaigners, according to Global Witness, with 29 campaigners killed there in 2020.
Freedom House rates the country ‘partly free’, given its “haphazard” application of laws, longstanding “impunity” for violent crime against activists and President Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs which has seen thousands killed extrajudicially.
As far back as she can remember, climate change has been a presence in Mitzi Jonelle Tan’s life.
“I grew up in the climate crisis,” she said. “It's really the floods that consume our homes – I would sometimes wake up in the middle of the night having discovered floodwater in my room, and that's normal experience for a lot of Filipinos.”
“I used to have to do my homework by candlelight because the electricity would be out for days.”
As she speaks, Super Typhoon Rai was ripping through the Philippines with winds of 195km/h – so far killing over 400 people and damaging more than 500,000 homes.
It is the 15th typhoon to hit the island nation in the past year, which experiences ever more extreme weather. Rapidly rising sea-levels and droughts are destroying the livelihoods of its rural communities reliant on fishing and farming.
Duterte’s increasingly repressive grip over civil society makes taking a stand more and more difficult for campaigners like Tan.
“It's scary because we're not just afraid of the banging of thunder on our doors and windows but also the banging of police, the wailing sirens that just take you away,” she said.
“That's just the reality of being an activist in the Philippines. It's something that you just have to accept, that it is dangerous – and so you fight back.”
The 24-year-old alleges the government ‘tags’ activists as ‘communists’. International organisations like Human Rights Watch argue the government commonly deploys this strategy to silence opponents, taking advantage of the ongoing fight against communist insurgents in the country.
Once you are ‘tagged’, Tan claims, the police can arrest you without a warrant, set up 90-day surveillance on you without informing you – and give paramilitaries the green light to carry out extrajudicial killings.
A new anti-terror law passed in 2020 also widened the legal definition of terrorism, making it easier to brand opposition figures terrorists.
Tan claims police accounts have messaged her on social media and ‘tagged’ her unofficially as a terrorist, while she once found a policeman outside her house stationed as a warning. In 2018, she was arrested and held in a cell without charges for 10 hours.
“Duterte very much likes to portray he's a strong man who's ending the communist insurgency and literally anyone who said something slightly against the government has been tagged as a terrorist,” she said.
But the 400 or so young activists in the Filipino section for Fridays for Future come prepared.
Tan says they adopt strategies to appear unthreatening, making sure to sport bright clothes, brandish colourful banners, blast music and dance together during strikes.
Legal observers, paralegals and lawyers join them at every protest. When they go into rural areas – where paramilitaries are most aggressive – to join indigenous communities for campaigns, they avoid posting on social media.
The young campaigners also go into schools and seek permission from teachers to teach a climate course to schoolchildren, tailoring it to different communities’ needs.
But above all, Tan says she campaigns for wealthier countries in the Global North to pay reparations to help the Philippines minimise losses from climate disasters and transfer technology for adaptation – before it is too late.
SWL contacted Filipino government representatives for comment.
Russia is the world’s fourth biggest annual emitter, producing 1.58 billion tonnes of CO2 in 2020. These emissions come primarily from its oil and gas sector, accounting for 40% of the government’s budget.
Climate Action Tracker, which maps progress on climate policy globally, rated Russia’s targets, policies and finance as ‘critically insufficient’ in 2020, meaning its commitments reflect ‘minimal to no action’.
According to Freedom House, it is ‘not free’, scoring 20 out of 100 for basic freedoms. Power is concentrated in the hands of Vladimir Putin, who suppresses dissent through “loyalist security forces, a subservient judiciary, a controlled media environment”, it states.
The police officers had had enough. It was July 2020, and the two men approached Arshak Makichyan to detain him.
The 27-year-old activist was standing by himself on Pushkin Square, central Moscow, holding a sign reading ‘Strike for Climate’. To his disbelief, they informed him they were taking him in because he was organising a ‘mass protest’.
Makichyan, a co-founder of Fridays for Future Russia, has been detained four times and arrested once in the past three years for his campaigning.
“Activism in Russia is different – there are more risks, it's not fun,” he said. “Because of the political pressure, most activists in Russia are afraid to do something besides online actions.”
The movement lurched into life in 2019, building its membership rapidly to around 300 young Russians, who often held small strikes in parks.
But the pandemic would sever this momentum, pushing weekly strikes online while also providing a cover for the government to pass laws curbing protest rights. The movement now counts fewer than 100 active members.
Makichyan alleges that by benchmarking their progress on emissions reductions from 1990, the state strategically tries to downplay responsibility.
“They are just playing with numbers,” he said. “When the Soviet Union collapsed, let’s not lie, there was no action on climate – it was just the collapse of the economy.”
Activists also fear being labelled a ‘foreign agent’ by officials, a legal term the government interpreted very broadly since 2020. It allows the authorities to disband civil society organisation, as seen in December’s ruling to liquidate the country’s oldest human rights’ group, Memorial.
The fear of this designation has cut off potential funding for the Russian Friday for Future group that it could have obtained from foreign NGOs.
But Makichyan argues this will not stop him. Above all he wants to raise climate awareness amongst Russians, which remains so low that his group was the first to translate the term ‘climate crisis’ into the language – a phrase that did not exist before.
“Climate activism is a new thing for Russia,” he said. “Even if you dare to strike, people don't appreciate your work, because we just started the discussion on climate and it's quite difficult to understand.”
Alongside his one-man strikes where he tries to educate passers-by, he and his peers focus on translating climate resources into Russian and giving interviews to the international media to amplify their message.
The group also partners with local protests, such as when it organised a solidarity strike with coal workers Krasnoyarsk in 2019 after the sky turned black from coal fires.
“It’s not about numbers, it’s about not giving up. I think there should be some hope and there should be examples that we are not afraid,” he said.
SWL contacted Russian government representatives for comment.
Uganda was the 31st most climate change affected country from 1999 to 2018, according to the Climate Risk Index 2021.
With over 80% of its population living rurally and reliant on rain-fed agriculture, the effects of climate change – especially floods and droughts – are imposing greater pressure than in many other African countries.
Freedom House says it is ‘not free’, giving it a score of 34 out of 100. President Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement party, it argues, engage in “manipulation of state resources, intimidation through security forces, and politicized prosecutions of opposition leaders”.
Evelyn Acham started noticing the effects of climate change in Uganda a decade ago. She fondly remembers growing up with her father’s garden bursting with banana and orange trees.
But today, the garden is bone dry and the fruit are gone.
Climate change has taken a devastating toll on Uganda. The East African nation is simultaneously hit with prolonged dry spells and heavy floods – as well as landslides in the east of the country.
Ugandans are now forced to walk further to find water, which increases the risk of young girls being snatched by traffickers. Farmers are struggling to survive as their crops are blighted, while food prices skyrocket. Flooding has regularly blocked major roads, led to cholera outbreaks and drowned many who could not find shelter.
But campaigning against the authorities can be costly.
“It is scary,” said Acham. “Most times, we feel alone because of the fear of getting arrested by police.”
In March last year, the 30-year-old was arrested alongside two of her fellow activists for protesting in front of the Ugandan parliament, and was later interrogated.
As a result, the activists now protest far away from the city centre or indoors.
Acham alleges that talking about political projects such as East African Oil Pipeline – which would see crude oil transported from Uganda to Tanzania – is particularly risky as many activists can get silenced through threats or arrests.
Nonetheless, Acham and her peers in FFF, many of whom are also part of a similar campaigning group ‘Rise up Movement’, have achieved important work.
In the past two years, Acham and fellow campaigners such as Vanessa Nakate have equipped 15 schools across the country with eco-friendly stoves and solar panels, which reduce reliance on polluting firewood. They also regularly go into schools to teach children about the realities of climate change.
“We are not going to wait for our leaders to implement this or to add this to the curriculum,” she said. “We use what we have to educate the children.”
SWL contacted Ugandan government representatives for comment.
China is the biggest annual emitter in the world, producing more than 10.6 billion dioxide tonnes of CO2 – a quarter of the world’s total – in 2020.
According to Climate Action Tracker, its targets and policies remain “highly insufficient” and if all countries followed its approach, global temperatures would rise between 3-4C by 2100, well above the 2C target scientists seek.
The country is ‘not free’ and received a score of 9 out of 100 from Freedom House in 2020, making it amid the 15 most repressive states in the world. The Communist Party’s grip over online discussion, the media, civil society and educational institutions has tightened further in recent years, the organisation argues.
In December 2018, Howey Ou dropped out of school in Guilin, Southern China, aged just 16.
Gripped by climate anxiety after watching Al Gore’s ‘An Inconvenient Truth’, Ou spent months mentally preparing for full-time activism, while seeing the success of Fridays for Future movement worldwide energised them to act.
In May, they stood outside the local municipal government building with a placard reading ‘Climate Strike’, aiming to raise awareness of the climate which remains very low among Chinese people.
Surprised that no-one stopped them, Ou protested every day for a week. But on the seventh day, a two police officers told to them stop, insisting they were creating “a bad image”, and escorted them to a police station.
In China, street protests are uncommon and public fear of engaging in activism remains strong.
But the 19-year-old argues they – alongside the dozen or so members part of Fridays for Future China – and more focused on battling climate change than the state.
“Psychological stress is high because most people haven’t done activism so they probably shut the door to activism themselves,” they said.
“I feel the repression towards me will be higher in the future, but from my point of view activism isn’t that dangerous the more people join,” Ou added, emphasising they are excited to return to China soon.
Like in Russia, users on social media also label Ou and other activists ‘foreign forces’ in an attempt to discredit them, they claim.
But they also argue international observers are too quick to blame China on climate change, which detracts blame from the responsibility of developed countries. Dismissing the state’s attempts to address climate change, they claim, is also preventing constructive dialogue.
“The international media are not telling their local audience that they need to reflect on their privilege too, rather than pointing at China,” they said.
Ou left home soon after their first climate strike and toured China several times in an attempt to meet environmental NGOs, which were initially hostile to their more confrontational approach.
They nonetheless successfully launched several campaigns including ‘Plant for Survival’, an initiative encouraging Chinese citizens to plant 18 to 20 trees a year to offset emissions, and held climate documentary screenings weekly across five cities.
But it was spending several months travelling and meeting activists in Switzerland, Germany, France and the UK this year which encouraged Ou to reconsider their activism.
While they acknowledge government-aligned NGOs legitimise the political system in China, they are reconsidering working more with them if that’s what it takes to achieve change.
“I think nothing is completely outside the system,” they said. “By wanting to stay independent of the government it has led us to remain very small and it’s very hard to talk to a larger audience.”
In November, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said the country is taking “real action” in the battle against climate change, a fight in which it he says it is a “serious and responsible” participant. China has pledged it will be carbon neutral by 2060.
Ou also hopes that by working with Chinese traditional culture movements which focus on frugality and harmony between people and nature, they hope their movement can build on popular belief systems to garner wider support.
“After COP I am recognising Chinese traditional culture more and a society that hasn’t been fully infiltrated by capitalism, which has potential,” they said, injecting a note of optimism to a discussion of a struggle which often seems dominated by despair.
Photo credits
TheDigitalArtist
WikiImages
Qimono
AC Dimatatac
YACAP
PAMALAKAYA
Jon Bonifacio
UNHCR / R. Rocamora
Mitzi Tan
Korean Culture and Information Service / Jeon Han
Arshak Makichyan
SpetsnazAlpha
Evelyn Acham
Nambasi
Department For International Development / Russell Watkins
Howey Ou
Marina Valdor